THERE IS no such thing as slow freedom. Freedom is like a birth. Till we are fully free, we are slaves. All birth takes place in a moment.[1]
Gilded Slavery
Golden fetter are no less galling
to a self-respecting man than iron ones. The sting lies in the fetters, not in
the metal. [2] To my mind golden shackles are far worse than
iron ones, for one easily feels the irksome and galling nature of the latter,
and is prone to forget the former. If, therefore, India must be in chains, I
would they were of iron rather than of gold or other precious metals.[3]
Right To Freedom
Freedom is not worth having if it
does not connote freedom to err and even to sin. If God Almighty has given the
humblest of His creatures the freedom to err, it passes my comprehension how
human beings, be they ever so experienced and able, can delight in depriving
other human Beings of that precious right. [4]
As every country is fit to eat, to drink and to breathe, even so is every
nation fit to manage its own affairs, no matter how badly.[5]
Superimposed control is bad any day…..
When this control is removed, the nation will breathe free, it will have the
right to make mistakes. This ancient method, of progressing be making mistakes
and correcting them, is the proper way. [6]
Individual Freedom
It is my certain conviction that
no man loses his freedom except through his own weakness.[7]
I value individual freedom, but you must not forger that man is essentially a
social being. He has risen to his present status by learning to adjust his
individualism to the requirements of social progress. Unrestricted
individualism is the law of the beast of the jungle. We have to learn to strike
the mean between individual freedom and social restraint. Willing submission to
social restraint for the sake of the well-being of the whole society enriches
both the individual and the society of which one is a member. [8]
If this [individual liberty]
goes, then surely all is list, for, if the individual ceases to count, what is
left of society? Individual freedom alone can make a man voluntarily surrender
himself completely to the service of society. If it is wrested from him, he
becomes an automaton and society is ruined. No society can possible be built on
a denial of individual freedom. It is contrary to the very nature of man. Just
as a man will not grow horns or tail, so he will not exist as man if he has no
mind of his own. In reality, even those who do not believe in the liberty of
the individual believe in their own. Modern editions of chenghiz khan retain
their own.[9]
Concept Of Freedom
My conception of freedom is no
narrow conception. It is co-extensive width the freedom of man in all his
majesty.[10] Every individual must have the fullest liberty
to use his talents consistently with equal use by neighbours, but no one is
entitled to the arbitrary use of the gains from the talents. He is part of the
nation or, say, the social structure surrounding him. Therefore, he can use his
talents not for self only but for the social structure of which he is but a
part and on whose sufferance he lives.[11]
Will To Be Free
No tyrant has ever yet succeeded
in his purpose without carrying the victim with him, it may be, as it often is,
by force. Most people choose rather to yield to the will of the tyrant than to
suffer for the consequence of resistance. Hence does terrorism form part of the
stock-in-trade of the tyrant. But we have instances in history where terrorism
has failed to impose the terrorist’s will upon his victim. [12]
Even the most despotic government cannot stand except for the consent of the
governed, which consent is often forcibly procured by the despot. Immediately
the subject ceases to fear the despotic force, his power is gone.[13]
The moment the slave resolves that he
will no longer be a slave, his fetters fall. He frees himself and shows the way
to others. Freedom and slavery are mental states. Therefore, the first thing is
to say to yourself; ‘I shall no longer accept the role of a slave. I shall not
obey orders as such, but shall disobey them when they are in conflict with my
conscience.’
The so-called master may lash you
and try to force you to serve him. You will say; ‘No, I will not serve you for
your money or under a threat.’ This may mean suffering. Your readiness to
suffer will light the torch of freedom which can never be put out.[14]
Price Of Freedom
Whether we are one or many, we
must refuse to purchase freedom at the cost of our self-respect or our
cherished convictions. I have known even little children become unbending when
an attempt has been made to cross their declared purpose, be it ever so flimsy
in the estimation of their parents.[15]
We must be content to die if we cannot
live as free men and women. [16]
Man has to thank himself for his
dependence. He can be independent as soon as he wills it.[17]
Freedom is never dear at any
price. It is the breath of life. What would a man not pay for living?[18]
Freedom For Lowliest
It gives me both pain and
surprise when I find people feeling anxious about their future under a freed
India. For me an India which does not guarantee freedom to the lowliest of
those born, not merely within an artificial boundary but within its natural
boundary, is not free India.
Our fear paralyses our thinking
powers, or we should at once know that freedom means a state, at any rate some
what better than the present for every honest man or woman. It is exploiters,
money-grabbers, pirates and the like who have to fear the advent of freedom. [19]
I shall strive for a constitution
which will release India from all thralldom and patronage, and give her, if
need be, the right to sin. I shall work for an India in which the poorest shall
feel that it is their country, in whose making they have an effective voice; an
India in which there shall be no high class and low class of people; an India
in which all communities shall live in perfect harmony. There can be no room in
such an India for the curse of untouchability, or the curse of the intoxicating
drinks and drugs. Women will enjoy the same rights as men.
Since we shall be at peace with
all the rest of the world, neither exploiting, nor being exploited, we should
have the smallest army imaginable. All interests not in conflict with the
interests of the dumb millions will be scrupulously respected, whether foreign
or indigenous. Personally, I hate distinction between foreign and indigenous.
This is the India of my dreams… I shall be satisfied with nothing else.[20]
No Exploitation
If I want freedom for my country,
believe me, if I can possibly help it, I do not want that freedom in order that
I, belonging to a nation which counts on-fifth of the human race, may exploit
any other race upon earth, or any single individual. If I want that freedom for
my country, I would not be deserving of that freedom if I did not cherish and
treasure the equal right of every other race, weak or strong, to the same
freedom. [21]
Men aspiring to be free can
hardly think of enslaving others. If they try to do so, they will only be
binding their own chains of slavery tighter. [22]
Independence of my conception
means nothing less than the realization the "Kingdom of God" within you
and on this earth. I would rather work for and die in the pursuit of this
dream, though it may never be realized. That means infinite patience and
perseverance.
If India is satisfied with the
mere attainment of political independence and there is nothing better for me to
do you will find me retiring to the Himalayas leaving those who wish to listen
to me to seek me out there. [23]
In concrete terms... The
independence should be political, economic and moral.
‘Political ‘ necessarily means
the removal of the control of the British army in every shape and form.
‘Economic’ means entire freedom from British capitalists and capital, as also
their Indian counterpart. In other words, the humblest must feel equal to the
tallest. This can take place only by capital or capitalists sharing their skill
and capital with the lowliest and the least.
‘Moral’ means freedom from armed
defence forces. [24]
[1] (YI,
9-3-1922, p. 148)
[2] (YI,
6-6-1929, p. 188)
[3] (YI,
16-1-1930, p. 17)
[4] (YI,
12-3-1931, p. 31)
[5] (YI,
15-10-1931, p. 305)
[6] (H,
21-12-1947, p. 477)
[7] (ICS,
p. 209)
[8] (H,
27-5-1939, p. 144)
[9] (H,
1-9-1942, p. 27)
[10] (H,
7-6-1942, p. 183)
[11] (H,
2-8-1942, p. 249)
[12] (YI,
9-6-1920, p. 3)
[13] (YI,
30-6-1920, p. 3)
[14] (H,
24-2-1946, p. 18)
[15] (YI,
15-2-1921, p. 418)
[16] (YI,
5-1-1922, p. 5)
[17] (H,
11-1-193.6, p. 380)
[18] (H,
10-12-1938, p. 368)
[19] (YI,
26-12-1929, p. 421)
[20] (YI,
10-9-1931, p. 255)
[21] (YI,
1-10-1931, p. 278)
[22] (H,
13-4-1947, p. 106)
[23] (HSt,
1-4-1940)
[24] (H,
5-5-1946, p. 116)
